Pierre Bourdieu is a French sociologist, anthropologist, philosopher, and intellectual.
In the late 1940s, he moved to Paris to study at the prestigious École Normale Supérieure (University of Education). At that time philosophy was a discipline and a must for anyone wishing to be recognized as an intellectual. But then he was quickly dissatisfied with the "philosophy of the subject" which represented Sartre's existentialism - then the domination theory - and turned towards the "philosophy of concepts" that was attached to the works by the epistemologists Gaston Bachelard, Georges Canguilhem and Jules Vuillemin, as well as the phenomenological theories of Edmund Husserl and Maurice Merleau-Ponty. Shortly after graduating, however, Bourdieu gave up on the research project he had been contemplating on the love life that incorporated philosophy, medicine and biology, and also the students. Other notables of the École Normale Supérieure, such as Émile Durkheim and Maurice Halbwachs who had before him, he turned to the social sciences.
This transformation was motivated by the combination of two events. On a personal level, the direct confrontation with the gruesome realities of colonialism and the war in Algeria (to which he was sent to serve) prompted Bourdieu to move to Ethnology and Sociology to understand the great social upheaval caused by the conflict between dominant capitalism and host nationalism. These youthful surveys have left a mark on Bourdieu's entire career: they are the product of an engaged science, not accepting ideological stereotypes but interested in major issues, the hot social rule of the times and responding to the ethical problems these problems cause. And they turn the great questions of classical philosophy and social theory into concrete empirical research using a range of methods brought by the scientific tradition that are also irresistibly applied to main sociologists.
Much of Bourdieu's work observes the semi-independent role of educational and cultural resources in exercising agency. This makes his work consistent with liberal-conservative scholarship that imposes fundamental social divisions such as between disordered working-class factions, in need of disciplinary intervention, where they have received excessive privileges. Not surprising, however, with his historical and biographical position, Bourdieu was in fact influenced and sympathetic to Marxist's views on economic command as a major component of power and authority in capitalist society, as opposed to some of his followers or the influential sociologist Max Weber.
Bourdieu's anthropological work is dominated by analysis of social hierarchical reproduction. Bourdieu criticizes the importance of economic factors in analyzing social order and change. Instead, he emphasized that actors' ability to impose cultural recreations and their symbolic systems plays an essential role in recreating dominant social structures. Symbolic violence is the self-interested ability to ensure that the arbitrariness of the social order is either ignored, or is supposed to be natural, thus justifying the legitimacy of existing social structures. This concept plays an essential part in his sociological analysis, which emphasizes the importance of activities in the social world. Bourdieu opposes intellectual tradition and insists that social domination and re-cultural re-creation are mainly focused on bodily know-how and competent practices in society. Bourdieu strongly opposes rational choice theory because he believes it is a misunderstanding of how social agents work.
Bourdieu appears more and more openly in the political arena of France and Europe as new forms of inequality and social conflict are emerging in society, associated with the growing dominance of Italy. market generation. This dominance challenged the traditional Leftist goals and organizations and required new forms of intellectual participation. Despite his innate shyness and a reluctance to "media games", he soon took on the title of excellent thinker, titles previously held by Jean-Paul Sartre and Michel Foucault, and became one of the world's foremost public intellectuals and the most prestigious neoliberal critics.
The concept of cultural capital in Bourdieu's research is an abstract concept, it is difficult to put a specific meaning into this concept. But based on three existential forms of cultural capital - as Bourdieu analyzes, it can be seen as a system of cultural factors that exist objectively or expressed through people and institutions, the pattern that regulates or affects existence and fortune and embodied in social dynamics.
This article below show you about some quotes of him
1. “Male domination is so rooted in our collective unconscious that we no longer even see it.”
2. “Every established order tends to produce the naturalization of its own arbitrariness.”
3. “The mind is a metaphor of the world of objects.”
4. “I would simply ask why so many critics, so many writers, so many philosophers take such satisfaction in professing that the experience of a work of art is ineffable, that it escapes by definition all rational understanding; why are they so eager to concede without a struggle the defeat of knowledge; and where does their irrepressible need to belittle rational understanding come from, this rage to affirm the irreducibility of the work of art, or, to use a more suitable word, its transcendence.”
5. “Unless saved by exceptional talent, he necessarily pays a price for clarity.”
6. “As if femininity were measured by the art of 'shrinking'... women are held in a kind of invisible enclosure (of which the veil is only the visible manifestation) circumscribing the space allowed for the movements and postures of their bodies (whereas men occupy more space, especially in public places). This symbolic confinement is secured practically by their clothing by their clothing which (as was even more visible in former times) has the effect not only of masking the body but of continuously calling it to order.”
7. “Taste is first and foremost distaste, disgust and visceral intolerance of the taste of others.”
8. “In the case of sociology however, we are always walking on hot coals, and the things we discuss are alive, they're not dead and buried”
9. “To subject to scrutiny the mechanisms which render life painful, even untenable, is not to neutralize them; to bring to light contradictions is not to resolve them. But, as skeptical as one might be about the efficacy of the sociological message, we cannot dismiss the effect it can have by allowing sufferers to discover the possible social causes of their suffering and, thus, to be relieved of blame.”
10. “Those who suppose they are producing a materialist theory of knowledge when they make knowledge a passive recording and abandon the “active aspect” of knowledge to idealism, as Marx complains in the theses on Feuerbach, forget that all knowledge, and in particular all knowledge of the social world, is an act of construction implementing schemes of thought and expression, and that between conditions of existence and practices or representations there intervenes the structuring activity of the agents, who, far from reacting mechanically to mechanical stimulations, respond to the invitations or threats of a world whose meaning they have helped to produce.”
11. “Femininity is imposed for the most part through an unremitting discipline that concerns every part of the body and is continuously recalled through the constraints of clothing or hairstyle.”
12. “Only in imaginary experience (in the folk tale, for example), which neutralizes the sense of social realities, does the social world take the form of a universe of possibles equally possible for any possible subject.”
13. “what I defend above all is the possibility and the necessity of the critical intellectual, who is firstly critical of the intellectual doxa secreted by the doxosophers. there is no genuine democracy without genuine opposing critical powers. the intellectual is one of those, of the first magnitude. that is why I think that the work of demolishing the critical intellectual, living or dead - marx, nietzsche, sartre, foucault, and some others who are grouped together under the label pansee 68- is as dangerous as the demolition of the public interest and that it is part of the same process of restoration. of course I would prefer it if intellectuals had all, and always, lived up to the immense historical responsibility they bear and if they had always invested in their actions not only their moral authority but also their intellectual competence- like, to cite just one example, pierre vidal-naquet, who has engaged all his mastery of historical method in a critique of the abuses of history. having said that, in the words of karl kraus, 'between two evils, I refuse to choose the lesser.' whole I have little indulgence for 'irresponsible' intellectuals, I have even less respect for the 'intellectuals' of the political-administrative establishment, polymorphous polygraphs who polish their annual essays between two meetings of boards of directors, three publishers' parties and miscellaneous television appearances.”
14. “The radical questionnings announced by philosophy are in fact circumscribed by the interests linked to membership in the philosophical field, that is, to the very existence of this field and the corresponding censorships.”
15. “While economics is about how people make choice, sociology is about how they don’t have any choice to make. Bertrand Russell”
16. “Why did I revive that old word? Because with the notion of habitus you can refer to something that is close to what is suggested by the idea of habit, while differing from it in one important respect. The habitus, as the word implies, is that which one has acquired, but which has become durably incorporated in the body in the form of permanent dispositions. So the term constantly reminds us that it refers to something historical, linked to individual history, and that it belongs to a genetic mode of thought, as opposed to essentialist modes of thought (like the notion of competence which is part of the Chomskian lexis). Moreover, by habitus the Scholastics also meant something like a property, a capital. And indeed, the habitus is a capital, but one which, because it is embodied, appears as innate.”
17. “[W]hen habitus encounters a social world of which it is the product, it is like a " fish in water" : it does not feel the weight of the water, and it takes the world about itself for granted could, to make sure that I am well understood, explicate Pascal's formula: the world encompasses me (me comprend) but I comprehend it (je le comprends) precisely because it comprises me. It is because this world has produced me, because it has produced the categories of thought that I apply to it, that it appears to me as self-evident.”
18. “I have analyzed the peculiarity of cultural capital, which we should in fact call informational capital to give the notion its full generality, and which itself exists in three forms, embodied, objectified, or institutionalized.”
19. “everything conspires to make us forget the socially constructed, and hence arbitrary and artificial, character of investment in the economic game and its stakes: the ultimate reasons for commitment to work, a career or the pursuit of profit in fact lie beyond or outside calculation and calculating reason in the obscure depths of a historically constituted habitus, which means that, in normal circumstances, one gets up every day to go to work without deliberating on the issue, as indeed one did yesterday and will do tomorrow.)”
20. “The entire destiny of modern linguistics is in fact determined by Saussure's inaugural act through which he separates the ‘external’ elements of linguistics from the ‘internal’ elements, and, by reserving the title of linguistics for the latter, excludes from it all the investigations which establish a relationship between language and anthropology, the political history of those who speak it, or even the geography of the domain where it is spoken, because all of these things add nothing to a knowledge of language taken in itself. Given that it sprang from the autonomy attributed to language in relation to its social conditions of production, reproduction and use, structural linguistics could not become the dominant social science without exercising an ideological effect, by bestowing the appearance of scientificity on the naturalization of the products of history, that is, on symbolic objects.”
In it, Bourdieu argues that judgments of what he likes are related to social position, or more accurately, social positioning behaviors. His argument was given by the initial combination of social theory and data from quantitative surveys, images and interviews in an attempt to solve the difficulty of how to understand topics in objective structures. In the process, he tried to reconcile the influence of both external social structures and subjective personal experience.
For Bourdieu, the sociology of intellectuals is not a discipline among others, but an indispensable element of the sociological method. In order to build a precise social science, we need to know what constraints affect sociologists and the ways in which particular interests they pursue as members of the “city'' how the rulership of the ruling class and the participants in the "school of knowledge" affected the knowledge they produced.